个人英语的演讲稿励志15篇

原标题:"个人英语的演讲稿励志15篇"关于文章分享。 - 素材来源网络 编辑:kaka001。

英语励志演讲稿的目的是在英语语境中激励和鼓舞听众,使他们充满信心和动力去追求自己的梦想和目标。通过用英语进行演讲,可以让更多的人了解和接触到励志思想和积极向上的态度,同时提高英语语言表达能力。现在随着小编一起往下看看英语的演讲稿励志,希望你喜欢。

英语的演讲稿励志【篇1】

English is a useful language all over the world。 Why are we began to learn English when we were little children? Beacause it is very important for us to learn it。In the world, if you cannot speak English you will lose half a chance to success。

I began to learn English when I was 8 years old。At that moment,I do not like English。I connot remember all the words which I have learnt。I think it is very difficult for me to learn it well。So I cannot read English loudly and I never answer the questions in the English classes。

Even if my English is very bad, my teacher stll encourages me to learn English hard and he gives me some ways to learn English。 He tells me to read passages loudly and listen to the English tapes everyday morning。In order to progress my writing he also asks me to write some articles at times。 I like listen to the English songs,he suggests me to sing the English songs。As a result of his ways my English becomes well。

Now, I like English very well and I still use the ways he tells me。I know I must learn English even hard。

英语的演讲稿励志【篇2】

Saying goodbye to childhood,we step into another important time in the pace of young,facing new situations,dealing with different problems……

everyone has his ownunderstanding of young,it is a period of time of beauty and wonders,only after you have experienced the sour ,sweet ,bitter and salty can you really become a person of time of young is limitted,it may pass by without your attention,and when you discover what has happened ,it is always too ping the young well means a better time is waiting for you in the near future,or the situation may be opposite .

having a view on these great men in the history of hunmanbeing,they all made full use of their youth time ,to do things that are useful to society,to the whole mankind,and as a cosquence ,they are remembered by later generations,admired by do something in the time of young,although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole word,just for youeself,for those around!

the young is just like blooming flowers,they are so beautiful when blooming,they make people feel happy,but with time passing by,after they withers ,moet people think they are so it is the same with young,we are enthusiastic when we are young,then we may lose our passion when getting older and we must treasure it ,don't let the limitted time pass by ,leaving nothing of significance.

英语的演讲稿励志【篇3】

Good morning teachers y I’m very happy to make a speech here name is Lenglinxuan I’m 12. I come from Class 1 Grade 6 of Henglu Primary School. Now I’ll start my speech my dream. Everyone has his own dream. Some want to be doctors. Others hope to be writes. But my dream is to become a teacher. Because I admire teachers hers can not teach us many things at school,but they do their best to teach us how to learn. Thanks to them,we learn knowledge. And at the same time,we learn how to live a happy life. They spend most time on their students. They are great in my heart. I know it is not easy to make my dream come true. Zhang haidi aunt once said:

"everyone's life is a boat,and ideal is the boat sails." If,say,ideal is a boat to successful,so,I'll take good rudder. From now on I decide to study harder. I’m sure my dream will come true. My speech is over k you for listening.

英语的演讲稿励志【篇4】

Good afternoon, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Today, we are here to talk about such a great topic—the Harmonious Society, but I only want to stress on one point, dedication. I think this is one of the most important factors of making our society harmonious.

In a simple way, we can explain the harmonious society as a society that everyone is happy. It needs our dedication.

So, think about what you can do for our society but not what the society can do for you .Only in this way can we do some things for the Harmonious Society. This is the first step of dedication. Maybe your power is not big, but believer it or not, the society does need you! So just do it. And then the society will repay you with happiness and anything else you ought to have.

It is said that if everyone became selfish, then no one can be selfish. Our wisdom tells us dedication is necessary. If you were caring for everyone, then everyone is caring for you. On the contrary, few people will be satisfied, and fewer people will be happy. And our society will never be harmonious. Only dedication can help us avoid this.

In my opinion, dedicating to the society is not only dedicating to the society or any strangers, but also dedicating to your parents, to your children, to your lover, to your friends and even to yourself. Think of them, then you will consider your dedication worthwhile. When you work, you will be full of power and passion. You will easily overcome any difficulties. You will be afraid of nothing. It’s all because you are dedicating to the ones you loved. Your efforts will make them happy and also, at the same time, make the society harmonious.

That harmonious society is such a beautiful society I can’t even imagine. But now, we have to face the fact that there many things in our society aren’t harmonious. The orphan is crying alone quietly. The child too poor to go to school is looking at the school gate with great expectation. Do you want to help them? The corrupt official is drinking the people’s blood. The selfish businessman is making counterfeit products. Do you want to punish them? I believe everyone here has a heart filled with mercy and justice. No one wants to see these things happen. Therefore, it needs our dedication.

We dedicate for love. We dedicate for mercy. We dedicate for hope. We dedicate for justice. We dedicate for reason. We dedicate for the Harmonious Society!

Ladies and Gentlemen: believe in me, all unhappiness in our society holds great terror and faces obliteration with your dedication. And after all that , the Harmonious Society finally comes!

英语的演讲稿励志【篇5】

Mistakes and errors are the disciplined true which we advance in akes are great teachers. Success comes to those who are willing to riskmaking mistakes in the pursuit of their goals and aspirations, and who are ableto learn from those mistakes. And in order to learn from mistakes you must bewilling to pay for them.

Mistakes can be enormously valuable, but when you try to get others to payfor your mistakes, then you deprive yourself of the opportunity to learn fromthem. When something goes wrong, it's usually very easy to find someone else toblame, but what does that really accomplish?

Much of the value of mistakes comes from the fact that they demand a costthat must be paid. The person who learns the most from a mistake is the personwho pays the price for that mistake.

When you make a mistake, the lastthing you want to do is run away from need to accept it because you can learn a lot from it. The mistake has beenmade, so make the most of it. Pay the price, learn the lesson, and grow thatmuch stronger.

When you make a mistake, don't look back at it long. Remember the reasonfor it, and then look forward. Mistakes are lessons of wisdom. The past cannotbe changed. The present is still in your power. Take full advantage of yourmistakes to achieve your goals and aspirations.

英语的演讲稿励志【篇6】

Good morning everyone!

I am very glad to make a speech here! This time,I'd like to talk somethingabout my dream.

One day I want to grow up to be an actress. I want to be famous as can be known thought out the world and to be love. To be an actress there aregreater chance of meeting others famous people,going to their party and wearingfancy clothes,getting to be watch on screen. having own movies,tv show,comecial,clothing labe and so much more. Everthing is going to be about me whenI be come an actress. So I want to be an actress to be famous and loveable ascan be.

Thank you!

英语的演讲稿励志【篇7】

It is such an honor and pleasure for me to be back at Yale, especially onthe occasion of the 300th anniversary. I have had so many memories of my timehere, and as Nick was speaking I thought about how I ended up at Yale LawSchool. And it tells a little bit about how much progress we’ve made.

What I think most about when I think of Yale is not just the politicallycharged atmosphere and not even just the superb legal education that I was at Yale that I began work that has been at the core of what I have caredabout ever since. I began working with New Haven legal services representingchildren. And I studied child development, abuse and neglect at the Yale NewHaven Hospital and the Child Study Center. I was lucky enough to receive a civilrights internship with Marian Wright Edelman at the Children’s Defense Fund,where I went to work after I graduated. Those experiences fueled in me a passionto work for the benefit of children, particularly the most vulnerable.

When I was thinking about running for the United States Senate-which wassuch an enormous decision to make, one I never could have dreamed that I wouldhave been making when I was here on campus-I visited a school in New York Cityand I met a young woman, who was a star athlete.

I was there because of Billy Jean King promoting an HBO special about womenin sports called “Dare to compete.” It was about Title IX and how we finally,thanks to government action, provided opportunities to girls and women insports.

So, dare to compete, yes, but maybe even more difficult, dare to care. Dareto care about people who need our help to succeed and fulfill their own e are so many out there and sometimes all it takes is the simplest ofgestures or helping hands and many of you understand that already. I know thatthe numbers of graduates in the last 20 years have worked in communityorganizations, have tutored, have committed themselves to religiousactivities.

Community service and religious involvement being up. But if you look atthe area of voting among 18 to 29 year olds, the numbers tell a far moretroubling tale. Many of you I know believe that service and communityvolunteerism is a better way of solving the issues facing our country thanpolitical engagement, because you believe-choose one of the following multiplesor choose them all-government either can’t understand or won’t make the rightchoices because of political pressures, inefficiency, incompetence or big moneyinfluence.

Well, I admit there is enough truth in that critique to justify feelingdisconnected and alienated. But at bottom, that’s a personal cop-out and anational peril. Political conditions maximize the conditions for individualopportunity and responsibility as well as community. Americorps and the PeaceCorps exist because of political decisions. Our air, water, land and food willbe clean and safe because of political choices. Our ability to cure disease orlog onto the Internet have been advanced because of politically determinedinvestments. Ethnic cleansing in Kosovo ended because of political parents and grandparents traveled here by means of government built andsubsidized transportation systems. Many used GI Bills or government loans, as Idid, to attend college.

Now, I could, as you might guess, go on and on, but the point is to remindus all that government is us and each generation has to stake its claim. And, asstakeholders, you will have to decide whether or not to make the choice toparticipate. It is hard and it is, bringing change in a democracy, particularlynow. There’s so much about our modern times that conspire to lower our sights,to weaken our vision-as individuals and communities and even nations.

It is not the vast conspiracy you may have heard about; rather it’s asilent conspiracy of cynicism and indifference and alienation that we see everyday, in our popular culture and in our prodigious consumerism.

And I leave these graduates with the same message I hope to leave with mygraduate. Dare to compete. Dare to care. Dare to dream. Dare to love. Practicethe art of making possible. And no matter what happens, even if you hear shoutsbehind, keep going.

Thank you and God bless you all.

英语的演讲稿励志【篇8】

We Are The World ,We Are The Future

Someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. I don’t know who wrote these words, but I’ve always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to be. We are all in the position of the farmers. If we plant a good seed ,we reap a good harvest. If we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all.

We are young. “How to spend the youth?” It is a meaningful question. To answer it, first I have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” Youth is not a time of life, it’s a state of mind.

Let’s show our right palms. We can see three lines that show how our love.career and life is. I wondered whether we could see our future in this way. Well, let’s make a fist. Where is our future? Where is our love, career, and life? Tell me.Yeah, it is in our hands. It is held in ourselves.

Don’t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. From the past, we’ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. Failure doesn’t mean you don’t have it, it does

mean you should do it in a different way. Failure doesn’t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder.

The past has gone. Nothing we do will change it. But the future is in front of us. Believe that what we give to the world, the world will give to us. And from now on, let’s be the owners of ourselves, and speak out “We are the world, we are the future.”

英语的演讲稿励志【篇9】

I have a few candles stored in a drawer in my dining room. They’re meantfor romantic dinners and special occasions, but since the arrival of our threechildren they have lain unnoticed among the napkins and other things. They arewaiting to be taken out and lit to share their glow with anyone who will takethe time to bask in their brilliance.

Are not our souls like those candles, patiently waiting for someone to comeand let us be ourselves? We are all waiting for our own moments to shine; weeach have a special light, unmatched by any other.

Candles are made up of wax and a wick; we have bodies, but our essence liesin our minds and souls. Candles are unique in their colors, shapes and life histories and experiences are the backdrops of who we are, but ourminds are like candle wicks, and make our passions flame. Unlike the candles inmy drawer, who get used or not used depending on my whims, we control our ownthoughts, and how brightly we will burn or dimly we will shine.

Is your soul candle dimmed by circumstance or lack of passion anddirection? Is it hidden in a drawer of stress, worry or resentment? Make achoice to let yourself shine the way you were meant to shine.

英语的演讲稿励志【篇10】

Confidence,which is not only the faith in your abilities, but also the faith of pursuit of firm target in yourself, is the first secret of success. With it, you can go toward the shore of victory. When at a low ebb of the Chinese revolution, Mao believed that "a single spark can start a prairie fire". ChenYi believed "repeated action can not take off" he was confident. In short, self-confidence refers to the navigation towards victory, as is the driving force of progress.

Inferior tends to look at the advantages of others too much, overweight, and this is a lack of understanding of their strengths. Someone who has so heavy psychological pressure makes himself passive. Inferior psychological barrier limits the development of ability, making them lose the chance of success, ultimately nothing. Humble and out of the shadow, there must be sunny days ahead! In both the "thousand goddess of mercy" dancing miracle of the spotlight, the actors are in the faith and destiny of the strong, overcoming the inferiority, their performance won the audience's warm applause, deeply loved by people.

Overcoming self-abased and developing confidence is our inevitable choice.

Conceit and inferiority are extreme psychological. Swellheads smug after some achievements, even defiant, arrogance. These people even had made some achievements, but it was just a flash in the pan. Xiang yu in the struggle played a great role,but temporary military advantage made him blind. The results had been defeated by Liu Bang, the former hero. At last Xiang Yu committed suicide by Wujiang river .

We want to believe in ourselves, but not conceited. I do not give up. Choose confidence, overcome being self-abased, and being away from the ego, which is the requirement of the new century, and is the pursuit of perfect personality. "Talk about heroes, you can find someone today", MAO was full of self-confidence, who will always inspire us to move forward.

英语的演讲稿励志【篇11】

We study in a beautiful school,since the day I came here I have began to love her. 我们学习在一个漂亮的校园里,从我第一天起就深深的喜欢上她

Flowers and trees are the most beautiful things in our school.No matter where you are,you can smell the clean air in our school,when you are tired you also can sit on the chail under the big tree.suddenly you will feel so cool,and at that time you must lose youself in enjoying it.

话花朵和大树是学校最美的东西,不论你在哪你都可以闻到学校里空气的清新味道,当你累了,你同样可以做在大树下的椅子上休息,刹那件你会感觉如此凉爽,那时请尽情享受吧!

And there are also many many good teachers in our school,they teach us so carefully in each calss,and when you meet hard problem they won't stop telling until you understand.So we often have good markes in the examnations.

同样学习有许多好老师他们仔细的'教我门每堂课,当你遇到困难,他们会停下来告诉你,知道你会为止所以我们总是在期末考试中取得好成绩

Oh sure the students here are the best, we study hard and live together happily,here you never can see we quarry with each other and hit each other because here is a big warm family.

哦,还有,这里的学生也是最棒的,我们努力的学习并且共同生活,再这里你看不到我们争吵,大家因为我们是一个温暖的大家庭

So many things I will say,but the most important thing is that you come here ,I think you must love our school.Because everyone here loves it!

我有很多的话想说,但是组重要的是你能来到我们学习,我想你也一定喜欢我们学习,因为我们每个人都爱他!

英语的演讲稿励志【篇12】

Today is an excellent day for small improvements. Whatever is working for you, find a way to improve it just a little. There’s no need to make a huge change, just a small one, something you can do right now.

If you called just one additional customer each day, over the course of the next month you would talk to about 20 new people. If you learned just one more new word each day, in the next year you would increase your vocabulary by more than 300 words.

Small improvements can add up over time into big accomplishments. Look around you. Consider the work you do each day. Think about how you could do it just a little bit better.

In a marathon race, each step the winner takes is just a little bit longer and a little bit faster than each stride taken by the 100th place finisher. Yet over the course of the race, that small difference adds up in a big way.

Do just a little bit more today, and tomorrow too, and each day after that. Anyone can make just a small improvement, and that can make a big, big difference.

翻译:再多一点点

今天就是你可以做改进的极好的一天。无论你在做什么,找一个方法去做一点点的改进。不用做太大的改变,只要一点点——你现在可以做到的一点点。

如果你每天多给一个顾客打电话的话,一个月下来你会发现你又多认识了差不多二十个人。如果每天多学会一个新词,过一年,你的词汇量将会增加300多个。

小小的改进能够逐步积累成大的成就。观察你的周围。思考你每天所做的工作。英语短文想一下你怎么能做得更好一点。

在马拉松比赛中,冠军的每一步都只比第一百名的选手的步伐大一点点、快一点点。英语短文但是在比赛过程中,那些小小的不同积累成了巨大的区别。

今天、明天、今后的每一天尽力做更多一点点。任何人都能做一点小小的改进,但那小小的改进将会起到非常大、非常大的作用。

五:Facing the Reality in Silence

Thetruest and most exPssive thought was hardly be exPssed.

Weall face it alone in silence to the most important thing in life. We can talkoccasionally about love, loneliness, happiness, miseries, death and so on, butthe true meaning is hard to deliver by words. I cannot tell others how gentlemy love is; how desperate my loneliness is; my enjoyable happiness is; howdePssive my miseries is; how ridiculous my death is. I have no choice but tohide then deeply in my heart. All what I said and wrote but the product ofthinking, while thinking, to some extend, is a kind of escape which from theparticular to general, fate to life and the abyss of silence to the bank oflanguage. If they have not become

pure/solely and abstract idea, it is merelybecause they have newly struggled out from the silence and with something hardto tell in their bodies.

Iam not to deny the possibility of communication between human beings, but thecondition. It is silence, instead of words.had an excellent explanation: the nature of silence tells the nature of one’ssoul. There is no any words may have a possibility to make a communicationbetween their soul if the two cannot share the same silence. To those who havenot solved the same questions in silence, even profound philosophy is only somepolite formulas. In fact, those superficial reader have no ability to identifythe profound philosophy and abstract thoughts, proverb and polite formulas,philosophy, insipid/prosaic and commonplace,the knowledge of Buddha dharma and deceitful trick. One’s ability in wordscomPhension is based on his understanding to silence and eternally based onhis silence; that is his capacity of soul. Therefore, I insist that the lessonof one who is determined to seek the life philosophy is silence----to face hisimportant problem of sale in silence. Until he has enough accumulation and tootires to bear, all windows opened to him. This is the way that he not onlyunderstands the limited words, but also the unlimited information behind thesilence of words.

翻译:在沉默中面对

最真实,最切己的人生感悟是找不到言辞的。

对于人生最重大的问题,我们没跟人都是能在沉默中独自面对。我们可以一般的谈论爱情、孤独、幸福、苦难、死亡等等,但是,那属于每个人自己的真正意义始终在话语之外。我无法告诉别人我的爱情有多么温柔,我的孤独有多么绝望,我的幸福有多么美丽,我的幸福有多么美丽,我的苦难有多么沉重,我的死亡有多么荒诞。我只能把这一切藏在心中,我所说出的写出的东西只是先思考的产物,而一切思考在某种意义上都是一种逃避,从最个别的逃向一般的,从命运逃向生活,从沉默的深渊逃向语言的彼岸。如果说他们尚未沦为纯粹的空洞的概念,那也只是因为他们是从沉默中挣扎出来的,身上还散发着深渊里不可名状的事物的七夕。

我不否认人与人之间沟通的可能,但我确信其前提是沉默,而不是言辞。美特林克说得好:沉默的性质解释了一个人灵魂的性质。在不能共享沉默的两个人之间,任何言辞都无法使他们的灵魂发生沟通。对于未曾在沉默中面对过相同问题的人来说,在深刻的.哲理也只是一些套话,事实上那些浅薄的读者奇缺分不清深刻的感悟和空洞的感叹,格言和套话,哲理和老生常谈,平淡和平庸,佛性和故弄玄虚的禅机。一个人言辞理解的深度取决于他对沉默理解的深度,归根结底取决于她的沉默,亦即他的灵魂的深度。所以,在我看来,凡有志探究人生真理的人首要功夫便是沉默,在沉默中面对他灵魂中真正属于自己的重大问题。到他有了足够的孕育并因此感到不堪重负的时候,一切言语之门便向他打开了,这是他不但理解了有限的言辞,而且理解了言辞背后的沉默着的背后无限的存在。

英语的演讲稿励志【篇13】

《Winston Churchill"s Iron Curtain Speech》

Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .

President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name Westminster somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words over-all strategic concept. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called the unestimated sum of human pain. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their over-all strategic concept and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace. So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. In my father"s house are many mansions. Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have faith in each other"s purpose, hope in each other"s future and charity towards each other"s shortcomings -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other"s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a b admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the b parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito"s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a b France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very b impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, The Sinews of Peace.

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one"s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.

英语的演讲稿励志【篇14】

Youth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind ; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshness ; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life .

Youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite , for adventure over the love of ease. This often exists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . Nobody grows old merely by a number of years . We grow old by deserting our ideals.

Years wrinkle the skin , but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul . Worry , fear , self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust .

Whether 60 of 26 , there is in every human being ?s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing childlike appetite of what?s next and the joy of the game of living . In the center of your heart and my heart there?s a wireless station : so long as it receives messages of beauty , hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .

When the aerials are down , and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at 80.

That?s all !

英语的演讲稿励志【篇15】

演讲稿一:Attitude is important

The longer I live, the more I realize the impact of attitude on life.

Attitude to me is more important than facts.

It is more important than the past,than education,than money,than circumstances, than failures,than successes,than what the other people think,say,or do.

It is more important than the appearance,the giftedness or skill.

It will make or break a company,a church ,a home.

The remarkable thing is we have a choice every day, regarding the attitude we will embrace for that day.

We cannot change our past.We cannot change the fact that people will act in a certain way.We cannot change the inevitable.

The only thing we can do is play on the one stage we have.And that is our attitudes.

I am convinced that life is ten percent what happens to me ,and ninety percent how I react to it.And so it is with you.

We are in charge of our attitudes.

态度很重要

我活得越久,我就越意识到态度对生活的影响。

对我的态度比事实更重要。

它比过去更重要,比教育,比金钱,比环境,比失败,比成功,比别人想的,说的,或做的。

这是比外表更重要,天赋或技能。

它将使或打破一个公司,一个教堂,一个家。

值得注意的是,我们每天都有一个选择,关于我们将迎接那一天的态度。

我们不能改变我们的过去,我们不能改变人们以某种方式行动的`事实,我们不能改变不可避免的事实。

我们唯一能做的就是在一个舞台上玩,这是我们的态度。

我相信,生活是发生在我的百分之十,百分之九十我对它的反应,所以它是与你。

我们负责我们的态度。

以上个人英语的演讲稿励志15篇的内容,由句子屋搜集整理分享。